Fuck MMT: The Left had better start looking for an exit from capitalism

Bill Mitchell, an Australian blogger associated with the modern money (MMT) school, thinks the Eurozone has failed, but he is not clear whether the failure results from ignorance, stupidity or malice. And I feel his pain, since I go back and Photo0637-1forth on this one myself. It is difficult to figure out whether the European Union (EU) was designed to be ineffective in a crisis or if these people are just too stupid to be managing one of the world market’s most important regional institutions.

Mitchell takes exception with the idea that the European economic mechanism has been crippled by the crisis. According to him, this idea only makes sense if you assume the European Central Bank (ECB) has no role to play in facilitating the fiscal intervention necessary to fight the crisis — an assumption he doesn’t accept:

“The ECB boss [Mario Draghi] felt it his purpose at the gathering, which you can guarantee is plush in all respects (catering, wines, etc), to urge politicians to introduce more “growth-friendly policies”. He claimed in his speech – Unemployment in the euro area – that the so-called “sovereign debt crisis” had disabled “in part the tools of macroeconomic stabilisation”. Which is only true if one accepts that a central bank should play no role in supporting fiscal policy and that fiscal policy should be constrained by innane rules that deliberately prevent it from having sufficient latitude to meet foreseeable crises.”

If you think the ECB can support fiscal policy, then fascist management hasn’t failed — it is just being incompetently managed. But, Mitchell adds, ECB action is constrained by rules that appear to deliberately prevent it from meeting what should have been a foreseeable crisis. If the crisis was foreseeable, but the ECB was hedged in by rules to prevent it responding, this might imply the ECB is working just the way it was designed to work.

So, has the European economic mechanism failed? Or is it working as designed? And if it is working as it was designed, was this design the result of stupidity or intent? Mitchell is not a mind reader and really can’t be expected to know what was on the minds of the people who designed the EU economic mechanism, but he can speculate on their motives.

Since he can’t know what was on the minds of the people who designed the EU and ECB, the simplest assumption is that both the EU and the ECB are working as planned. Which means the designers of the economic mechanism fully intended to meet an inevitable crisis with austerity, not full employment. The European Union member states never intended to pursue a countercyclical fiscal expansion during that inevitable crisis, so they did not include that sort of facility in the design of the EU.

The present crisis was easily foreseeable; but, despite this, no other means was provided to address it than austerity. It would appear as if the thinking behind the design of the European economic mechanism is a throwback to the sort of thinking that was dominant in the United States during the Hoover administration and earlier. The period is best remembered by a quote from Mellon on the proper course of state policy during a depression: government should keep its hands off the economy and let the depression work its magic in its own destructively creative fashion:

“[Liquidate] labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate farmers, liquidate real estate… it will purge the rottenness out of the system. High costs of living and high living will come down. People will work harder, live a more moral life. Values will be adjusted, and enterprising people will pick up from less competent people.”

This response to depressions had worked up until the Great Depression, but it did not work after 1929. The reason, of course, was that capitalism had run into the problem of absolute overproduction of capital, as predicted by Marx. It took four years of economic contraction before it finally dawned on the simpletons in Washington that “this time it is different” — recovery would not happen until a means was found to restart capitalist production.

The means finally adopted were forcible devaluation of the wages of the working class and inflationary state deficit spending.

But here is the thing: while the troika has again pursued forcible devaluation of the wages of the working class in the Eurozone crisis, it is also pursuing an austerity aimed directly at constraining member states’ deficit spending. The designers of the EU and ECB knew, or should have known, that when a crisis actually occurred they would be constraining fiscal policies of the member states and limiting their capacity to deficit spend in a crisis.

The procyclical policy options imposed on European member states is more or less the same as the fiscal rules individual US states follow: during expansions, spending increases; during contractions spending contracts. The aim of the economic mechanism adopted by the European Union was to create a system of European states that have no more ability to implement countercyclical policy than New Hampshire, Louisiana or any other American state.

In the United States, however, countercyclical economic policy is available to Washington politicians, where (in theory at least) spending increases during contractions and falls during expansions. (Of course, for very good reason that cannot be discussed here, this was never as neat and clean in practice as in the theory, but you get the idea.) When the EU was designed, there was already long experience with this sort of division of labor, but a countercyclical fiscal authority was deliberately left out of the EU structure — the member states didn’t forget crises happen and they certainly weren’t stupid enough to think capitalism could survive without one — they deliberately left the capacity to pursue countercyclical policy out of the original design of the EU.

What explains this deliberate defect in the design of the European economic mechanism?

Here is the thing: So far as I can tell, you actually only need one fiscal authority in the world market. In a highly integrated world economy, it is not as though every country within the world market needs its own sovereign capacity for countercyclical policies during a depression. But Mitchell believes the EU needed to preserve its ability to pursue countercyclical policy in a crisis for the same reason most people think every country needs its own flag, currency, national anthem etc.:

“This is how things have always been done.”

Yeah, well not so much anymore. The EU was designed without the ability to conduct countercyclical fiscal policy because the member states who designed it didn’t want the EU to have this capacity. I think they knew very well what they intended to happen: to employ the pretext of a crisis to break the European “social contract” across the board. Essentially, the member states designed the EU so that when the crisis came, national governments would have no choice but to slash their social spending.

Okay, so if that is the strategy of European capital, what is the response for the Left? Mitchell seems to think the response should be a little of his MMT magic, but designed to create a job for everyone who needs one at a socially acceptable minimum wage and with a social wage targeted to lowest income sections of the population. The effort would be funded by allowing national governments to deficit spend freely, with the bonds being purchased by the ECB. According to Mitchell, with an MMT funded program, “Europe’s unemployment problem could be solved within a few weeks”.

The idea might work, but it leaves us with a big problem: With Mitchell’s solution, the very same people who designed the current system that crippled members states in a crisis are now in charge of implementing Mitchell’s solution.

The EU and ECB were designed by the member states themselves to strip their voters of the ability to pressure national government to provide countercyclical policy in a crisis. Now Mitchell wants the very member states who robbed their own working class voters of their control over the economy in a crisis to manage a new MMT-inspired program to address the crisis. And he wants the very people who saddled European member states with massive debts, in order to bail out of the banksters, to continue in place by lending still more excess capital to the already fiscally overstretched governments.

Moreover, Mitchell argues the working class can support far more debt than it is saddled with at present so long as the banks step up to collect interest on this fictitious capital:

“There is no hint that if fiscal deficits in the Eurozone nations rose with ECB backing that there would be a ‘loss of confidence’.”

Which is to say, so long as there is excess capital floating around within the world market that cannot be employed productively, the national governments should be easily able to gorge themselves by wasting it on “infrastructure investment”.

Why does Mitchell think this is anything like a useful response to the present crisis?

Clearly, the member states of the EU have presented the Left with an ultimatum: Accept the straitjacket we have imposed on national fiscal policy or leave the EU!

And they know the Left cannot win an election by promising to leave the European Union — only the Right can exploit the sort of regressive national sentiments that were evident in the recent elections. The Left is stuck with the effective end of national economic management and has no choice but to acknowledge sovereign conduct of economic policy is finished for good.

If the Left is to offer something other than austerity lite to the working class it will have to go beyond “conventional economic management” to demand reduction of hours of labor. They are stuck between the fascists running the EU and the fascistS demanding a return to national autarky.

The Left had better  start looking for an exit from wage slavery altogether.

12 thoughts on “Fuck MMT: The Left had better start looking for an exit from capitalism”

  1. Moreover, Mitchell argues the working class can support far more debt than it is saddled with at present so long as the banks step up to collect interest on this fictitious capital

    Mitchell is talking about public debt, not private. Workers wouldn’t be supporting it, unless you’re speaking in some metaphysical sense.

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      1. Jehu, the funds to pay taxes or buy government securities come from Euro government spending or ECB lending.

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      2. Where does consumer or business credit come from? When one firm sends a commodity to another firm and sends along a bill, is this not credit money? Is this credit issued by the ECB or Euro governments or by the firm concerned? MMT only understands currency, it has no idea of the circulation of money between businesses and consumers and between businesses themselves. Thus it reduces everything concerning money (and, indeed, the entire economy) to the circulation of fiat currency.

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  2. MMT explains why the “bill” is denominated in government currency.

    MMT is not a theory of everything.

    Plenty of other contributions and perspectives matter.

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  3. I’m afraid you understand very little about Money and even less about MMT, as evidenced by rhetorical asides such as these: “…Where does consumer or business credit come from? When one firm sends a commodity to another firm and sends along a bill, is this not credit money? Is this credit issued by the ECB or Euro governments or by the firm concerned?”

    For what little this probably is worth, the (trivial, really) answers are:

    Consumer and business credit comes from the credit issuing private entities, typically banks. When one firm sends a commodity to another firm and sends along a bill, this is credit and not “credit money”, unless the bill is accepted as a means of further payments and transactions. Usually, it isn’t.

    It often is used to obtain more credit from a bank. In which case, the bank is again issuing new “money”. The caveat, of course, is that bank-created money is not the same as state-created money; it’s essentially IOU’s. Bank issued money is endorsed by the state but has a use-by date, the date of the credit’s expiration. You need to learn a wee bit more about MMT before you proceed – and before any more “fuck you’s”.

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      1. Jehu : “MMT conflates money with currency and thus misses the point of money entirely.”

        I’m afraid you’d have to point out specifically where and how MMT “conflates” Money with currency. I for one have not encountered such “conflation” nor confusion of any kind. There might be internet posters claiming to represent MMT “views” that may be confusing but I trust you are able to easily discount such views.

        MMT has nothing to do with the labor theory of value. Therefore, the “distinction” between MMT and Labour Theory is equivalent to the “distinction” between Labour Theory and the theory of double-entry accounting.

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      2. It is called Modern MONEY Theory, not Modern CURRENCY Theory. This is not something invented by internet posters, it has been with MMT since its inception. AFAICT, LTV doesn’t disagree with many of the observations MMT makes about the behavior of valueless fiat, but with treating debased fist currency as if it money.

        To give you a good example of the difference: While MMT claims this fiat is money, LTV says it is not money and asks what happened to money? Why does it no longer serve as medium of exchange?

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  4. I’m afraid we must judge the validity of a theory, any theory, not on the basis of its “title” in the nomenclature but on criteria such as verifiability, etc. Instead of concerning yourself with “titles” you should be providing us with specifics about MMT being wrong, e.g. where exactly the theory’s description of state finances and money “conflates value with money”.

    You assign labels such as “debased” and “valueless” to fiat currency and I have to wonder why. If you truly consider the money in your pocket to have “no value” and to be “debased”, why don’t you hand it out gratis to everyone you meet? I volunteer to take it away from your hands.

    The reality, of course, exactly as MMT describes it, is that modern money in its fiat currency form certainly has substance – simply because the issuing state demands that obligations to it, such as taxes, be paid exclusively in that currency. The money created by the state in its nat’l currency carries the state’s obligation to accept it as payment at all times and thus becomes, among other things, a medium of exchange.

    “What happened to money?” Nothing as far as we can tell. It’s right here, in the form of unredeemed tax credits.

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    1. You assign labels such as “debased” and “valueless” to fiat currency and I have to wonder why. If you truly consider the money in your pocket to have “no value” and to be “debased”, why don’t you hand it out gratis to everyone you meet? I volunteer to take it away from your hands.

      No, you didn’t just stoop to that banality to defend your position, did you? I think we’re finished.

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      1. If you claim something has no value, then this is what “valueless” means in the real, material world : That you can throw it away without any loss in wealth. If you’re assigning labels such as “value-less” on the basis of some other perspective, you should try and present and support that perspective. Which, indeed, could prove to be a valuable perspective (pun intended). Until then, one can only remain highly skeptical.

        You have attacked MMT but did not provide one single, specific argument in support of your attacks, i.e. about MMT “conflating money with currency”, about fiat money being “debased” and “valueless”, etc.

        I’m afraid this does not speak well of your position.

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