Capital, commodity production and collapse (III): Collapse of what?

Part 3: Breakdown in Marx’s Theory

So, I have been mulling Marx’s prediction of the ultimate result of capitalist development with increasing confusion — confusion because Marx is extremely precise, yet he never exactly predicts the breakdown or collapse of capitalism itself.

Marx makes three important predictions about capitalism.

First, in the Grundrisse, he predicts,

“As soon as labour in the direct form has ceased to be the great well-spring of wealth, labour time ceases and must cease to be its measure, and hence exchange value [must cease to be the measure] of use value. The surplus labour of the mass has ceased to be the condition for the development of general wealth, just as the non-labour of the few, for the development of the general powers of the human head. With that, production based on exchange value breaks down, and the direct, material production process is stripped of the form of penury and antithesis.”

Second, in Capital Volume 1, he predicts,

“The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it. Centralisation of the means of production and socialisation of labour at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. This integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The expropriators are expropriated. “

Third, in “Socialism”, Marx and Engels predict,

“In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very opposite — into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan of capitalistic society capitulates to the production upon a definite plan of the invading socialistic society. Certainly, this is so far still to the benefit and advantage of the capitalists. But, in this case, the exploitation is so palpable, that it must break down. No nation will put up with production conducted by trusts, with so barefaced an exploitation of the community by a small band of dividend-mongers.

In any case, with trusts or without, the official representative of capitalist society — the state — will ultimately have to undertake the direction of production. This necessity for conversion into State property is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse and communication — the post office, the telegraphs, the railways.”

In these three passages, Marx predicts profound changes are in the offing for society, but he never actually predicts the collapse of capitalism. Why? There are several explanations for this:

a. He didn’t finish capital, or
b. Capital doesn’t collapse, or
c. Whether capital collapsed or not wasn’t the point he was trying to make in the first place.

Production for profit versus production based on exchange value

I think a can be ruled out, because Capital volume 1 is a complete summary of his theory that can stand on its own. If volume 1 is complete, Marx either didn’t think capitalism itself collapses or did not think this was the most important point to be made. Unfortunately, he’s dead, so we can’t ask him but we can examine the three predictions he did make, none of which seems to predict the actual collapse of capitalism.

Marx makes three definite predictions:

  1. Production on the basis of exchange value breaks down;
  2. capitalist private property is expropriated; and
  3. the state undertakes the direction of capitalist production.

None of these three predictions directly states capitalism collapses, although the context for each might be seen as appropriate for precisely such a prediction. Marx deliberately employed the formulation “production based on exchange value”, not “production for profit.” in his Grundrisse. Yet, we know, as he constantly emphasized, that capital is “production of surplus value, production for profit”, not simply production based on exchange value. It has to be asked why, in the Grundrisse, Marx avoids saying “production of surplus value” breaks down.

The simplest, most obvious answer is that Marx either did not think production of surplus value collapses or that this was a possible, but not necessary outcome. My hypothesis is Marx could show the breakdown of production based on exchange value necessarily had to collapse, but not production for profit. For this to be true, production based on exchange value must not be the same thing as production for profit. The two modes of production, although related, must not necessarily be the same thing.

But this contradicts the accepted interpretation of labor theory. Most Marxist theorists who have looked at this question deny there are two distinct modes or systems of production. The dominant view is that Marx’s discussion of simple commodity production in chapter 1 of volume 1 is not meant to be historical, but only theoretical; which is to say, in contradiction to Engels, most Marxists hold there was no period of pre-capitalist commodity production. This is the assumption, for instance, that Moseley makes in his new book; and it has also been made by Arthur.

However, if there was a period of pre-capitalist commodity production, capital itself arises both as a form of this production and as a peculiar manifestation of it: its distinctive characteristic being that labor itself has become a commodity to be sold in the market. With capital we have two distinct players in the market: one who directly produces his product for sale and another who sells her labor power to a capitalist who, in turn, employs it to produce commodities for sale in the market. Capital, as a specific historical form, is indirectly founded on the first and directly founded on the second of these two.

Thus, it is possible, at least in principle, to conceive the first form of commodity production might disappear, while the second form continues. And, in fact, this is the principle argument Marx makes in chapter 32 of Capital volume 1: The Historical Tendency of Capitalist Accumulation. The direct producer is expropriated, leaving behind huge capitals that gradually reduce their own numbers through competition. Kautsky goes so far as to argue the whole of society would end up selling its labor power to a single capital. Thus, it is possible to conclude the collapse of production based on exchange value is not the same as the collapse of production of surplus value. If this is true, Marx’s choice of the formulation, “production based on exchange value breaks down”, was significant.

Exactly who is expropriating the expropriators

In Marx’s second prediction, taken from Capital, I find an equally ambiguous formulation. In that formulation, Marx argues capitalist private property is abolished. However, the interesting thing about Marx’s formulation is his employment of the passive voice. Who, exactly, is expropriating this capitalist private property? Certainly not the social producer, because, in Marx’s argument, the producer is “given”, “individual property based on the acquisition of the capitalist era.” The employment of the passive voice with regards to who is expropriating capitalist private property and the passive role of the producer who is given individual property, suggests there is possibly a third player who is actually doing the expropriating and giving.

Why does Marx employ this frustratingly ambiguous formulation when he could have just as easily said: “The proletariat seizes capitalist property and realizes production based on each according to their work”? Again, I think Marx employs this (awkwardly) passive formulation because the actual situation is necessarily contingent of other historical (i.e., political) factors. What he can say unambiguously is that capitalist private property is expropriated, but who does this expropriation and how it is accomplished cannot be determined because it relies on a number of contingencies. There is a necessity arising directly from the law of value — capitalist private property is abolished — but how this necessity is expressed concretely is contingent.

To put this in concrete terms, capitalist private property would have to go, but it could be abolished by the working class or the state. And, interesting enough, this is exactly the prediction Marx and Engels make in “Socialism”. The conversion of capitalist private property into public property becomes inevitable even if the present state has to do this.

It seems to me, at least in his published works, Marx is not engaged in speculating of the outcome of merely political events. He basically confines his argument to those points about capital he can argue are economically necessary in its development. For instance, production for profit necessarily leads to collapse of production on the basis of exchange value. It also leads to expropriation of the direct producers and ultimately of capitalist private property. Finally, it leads to the public management of the entire process of production. What is contingent in all of this are the definite political forms within which “the necessary” is expressed.

Production based on exchange value breaks down — and Marx predicts this — but Marx does not predict production for profit breaks down.  Capitalist private property is expropriated, but Marx does not predict the working class does the expropriating. The state undertakes production, but Marx does not assert this is directly undertaken by a state of the social producers. In sum, capitalism is making definite and irreversible alterations in society that must be expressed no matter its form of state, but what remains to be determined by history is the form of state under which these changes will be made.

Marx and Neoliberalism

To pull all of this together into a single thread, Marx predicts an event where production based on exchange value collapses; capitalist private property is abolished; and management of production becomes a public function.  This predicted event, however, may not immediately result in the abolition of production for profit; instead, Marx and Engels leave open the possibility the break down of production based on exchange “does not do away with the capitalistic nature of the productive forces”; rather, the state becomes the national capitalist.

Where this leads next is the big unanswered question. All we know is that Marx and Engels believed the state “topples over.” Why this must happen remains so far unaddressed by labor theorists. But I suggest it may be exactly what we call neoliberalism, the bizarre spectacle of capitalism trying to kill its own state.

4 thoughts on “Capital, commodity production and collapse (III): Collapse of what?”

  1. Reflecting on your essay:

    > “But I suggest it may be exactly what we call neoliberalism, the bizarre spectacle of capitalism trying to kill its own state.”

    OK, but only in the weird sense that neoliberalism proposes to increase state power to an absolute degree. Neoliberalism proposes that the state impose a total, global order on capitalist production.

    Superficially, there is no indication that neoliberalism has the goal, capacity, or consequence of abolishing the state. After all, isn’t the neoliberal state in fact stronger than ever against the proletariat and in support of a subset of capitalists?

    Isn’t that the implication we must draw from greater surveillance; expanded policing capacity; perpetual war; the absolute dependence of the proletariat on large amounts of state spending; privatization; expanded capital controls and travel restrictions alongside expanded global trade; a hyper-complex system of global finance; and the deconstruction of democratic checks on state power?

    The superficial image of neoliberalism may be confusing because the strengthening of states generally includes the diminishment of some specifically (e.g. Greece). A rise of neoliberalism means a general decline of the welfare state. Neoliberalism pushes out the simulated freedom of a welfare state with public amenities. Neoliberalism intensifies the slavery of wage-dependence and price-tags on every aspect of subsistence and enjoyment.

    Second, at a deeper level, neoliberalism seems a reactionary effort to bring the state to a head: to concentrate capital. It might be a fatal move in the long run but it is the elevation of the state, not its destruction:

    “When, at last, [the state] becomes the real representative of the whole of society, it renders itself unnecessary. As soon as there is no longer any social class to be held in subjection; as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for existence based upon our present anarchy in production, with the collisions and excesses arising from these, are removed, nothing more remains to be repressed, and a special repressive force, a State, is no longer necessary. […]”

    Neoliberalism seems to me like a reactionary struggle to prevent that last step from arising: to prevent precisely the condition in which “there is no longer any social class to be held in subjection”. The main preoccupation of neoliberalism is universalizing wage dependence in service of surplus value production. Paradoxically, the means by which neoliberalism attempts to preserve and intensify the subjection, is to make the state the real representative of the whole of society.

    Neoliberalism wants capitalism without any crises and in order to get it, neoliberalism proposes the state in its necessarily final, most powerful form.

    Continuing the passage:

    “The first act by virtue of which the State really constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society — the taking possession of the means of production in the name of society — this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a State.”

    Marx and Engels here can not mean “the representative of the whole of society” in the romantic sense of a combination of the people’s ability to direct the the state, coupled to the state’s capacity to effect the wishes of the people. By definition, the capitalist state can only ever perpetuate the subjugation of the proletariat — that is its only non-superfluous activity.

    Rather, for the capitalist state to become “the representative of the whole of society” must be for the state to to become the ultimate power over all of capital and capitalist production.

    The possibility of the end of the anarchy of production coincides with the state becoming the sole preservative of that anarchy.

    A perfected fascist state, global in jurisdiction, would satisfy the requirements of Marx and Engels “real representative of the whole of society”.

    Neoliberalism must not be the force that directly ends the state. Rather, neoliberalism creates the ultimate form of the state — the one after which there is no other. “The first act by virtue of which the State really constitutes itself the representative of the whole of society — the taking possession of the means of production in the name of society — this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a State.”

    Neoliberalism is the final stage of the Capitalist Revolution in which:

    “D. Partial recognition of the social character of the productive forces forced upon the capitalists themselves. Taking over of the great institutions for production and communication, first by joint-stock companies, later in by trusts, then by the State. The bourgeoisie demonstrated to be a superfluous class. All its social functions are now performed by salaried employees.”

    Lastly, who expropriates the expropriators? Is it really a subjectless event?

    “The proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms the socialized means of production, slipping from the hands of the bourgeoisie, into public property. By this act, the proletariat frees the means of production from the character of capital they have thus far borne, and gives their socialized character complete freedom to work itself out. Socialized production upon a predetermined plan becomes henceforth possible. The development of production makes the existence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism. In proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political authority of the State dies out. Man, at last the master of his own form of social organization, becomes at the same time the lord over Nature, his own master — free.”

    Evidently the people themselves expropriate the expropriators. They do this by engaging in planned production directly, without using capitalist relations (including the state).

    Why would the people do this? How could they do this? Evidently it is already the latent capacity of the people and it requires no vanguard or revolutionary plan, “merely” widespread comprehension of how we need to do and why:

    “To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the historical conditions and this the very nature of this act, to impart to the now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions and of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian movement, scientific Socialism.”

    I don’t know if just commiesplainin’ is the right tactic, exactly, but here we are.

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    1. I am not clear on what you are asserting, here. By “neoliberalism proposes to increase state power to an absolute degree” do you mean neoliberalism is not trying to dismantle state economic management? Or are you talking about some other function, e.g. coercive role.

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      1. > “neoliberalism proposes to increase state power to an absolute degree”

        1. Neoliberalism entails absolute law and order for the proletariat: unfettered surveillance; the militarization of the police; travel restrictions. I place these facts under “economic management” since they are (a) an intensification of regulation of labor army; (b) an excuse for the state to buy up surplus commodities that might otherwise go unsold or unproduced (thus helping to ensure that surplus commodities are realized as surplus value).

        2. Despite a rhetoric of small government and de-regulation, neoliberal governments are more interventionist than ever. Examples:

        (a) Obamacare/ACA: a wholesale government restructuring of the health care and health care insurance system.

        (b) Centralization of land use regulation: Moving sovereignty over land-use policing from local authorities to superior governments. E.g. In California from cities and counties to the state. (Echos, in India, the Modi government’s attempts at moving land use authority to the central government.)

        (c) Expansion of government oversight: Expanded business reporting requirements. Greatly expanded transaction monitoring. Overwhelming amounts of reporting regulation heaped on small capitals.

        (d) Reducing transfers to the proletariat while increasing transfers to private capitals.

        I think the state is not getting smaller or less powerful. It is running more smoothly, less democratically, less transparently, and more than ever in service of capital.

        In our twitter exchange about this one issue came up I want to mention here:

        Neoliberalism is said to generally oppose counter-cyclic stimulus.

        I think that is not quite true. For example, expansion of spending on policing, incarceration, the military, domestic and foreign intelligence, commercial real estate activity, etc…. all of these are counter-cyclic policies that neoliberalism is pursuing.

        The illusion that counter-cyclic policies are rejected by neoliberalism is because neoliberalism is not concerned with (true) full employment or the welfare of idle labor.

        It was *necessary* for FDR to be concerned with idle labor because it was beyond the state’s capacity to police it into submission.

        It was *possible* for FDR to be concerned with idle labor because counter-cyclic policy could, at ~1940-level organic composition of capital, still achieve full employment.

        Today it is *not necessary* to worry any more about idle labor than modern policing can take care of.

        Today it is *not possible*, because of 2016-level organic composition of capital, to achieve full employment (unless by reducing hours and hence reducing surplus value production).

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