Game Theory and Clinton’s Lesson for The Left

In October of 2013, Hillary Clinton gave an interesting talk to Goldman Sachs investors on the global political situation. This talk has since come out in the recent Wikileaks publication — the so-called Podesta emails. Very little so far has been written on that talk, but never to be one to let a capitalist political crisis go to waste, I thought it might be interesting to see what Clinton said in those talks.

I think the reason the talk, although widely anticipated, has received less attention than expected is that people may have been expecting some sort of gotcha moment, where Clinton revealed her secret ties to the illuminati or something. It turns out the talk was mostly what we might think of as a pre-campaign town hall with an exclusive group of finance capitalists; filled with the sort of self-promoting one would expect from any presidential hopeful.

The talk, however, is not simply boilerplate by a person putting together a run for the presidency. Clinton is discussing a recent government shutdown provoked by Ted Cruz in a failed attempt to get rid of Obamacare. She shows why this attempt might have failed and why Cruz overplayed his hand in his own bid to become president. As such, it contains some lessons for radicals who still hold out hope for a political path to the end of capitalism.

If Clinton is correct the Cruz shutdown threatened the most important advantage the US has enjoyed since 1971 and the collapse of Bretton Woods: the world reserve currency status of the dollar.

According to Clinton,“there is a hard core of extremist politicians who have views about decisions as monumental as shutting down our government and defaulting on our debt”. The extremists, led by Cruz, attempted to kill Obamacare, “by holding hostage the entire rest of the government and putting the full faith in credit of the United States at risk.” Says Clinton, these are people “who either don’t know or don’t care about the importance of our being in reserve currency”.

The background story

Basically, Cruz and his followers thought they could take the dollar hostage and force Washington to concede to their demands. Although a only a minority, (albeit a powerful minority), in the GOP, it appears they believed they could accomplish their aims through a simple parliamentary maneuver.

The stupidity of this action is demonstrated by the fact that the reserve currency status of the dollar implies the US faces no real budget constraint and could easily fund any social program. The action amounted to a married couple threatening each other to quit their respective jobs simply because they couldn’t agree on their weekly grocery list.

To put this in perspective, Cruz and his followers were crippling the mechanism that financed the entire national security state in order to eliminate an insignificant program that everyone knew couldn’t last in its present form. Moreover Cruz and his followers come from regions of the country that are precisely the most dependent on military spending, and their political base is among voters who overwhelmingly support military spending.

It was as if they were prefiguring the SYRIZA strategy of putting a gun to their own head and daring everyone to let them pull the trigger. Anyone with an ounce of sense could have seen the very people who are most dependent on fascist state debt — the sectors of the economy most dependent on national security spending — were least likely to actually threaten it credibly.

Thus, as we all know, the gambit failed and Cruz emerged as the most hated man in Congress.

Crossing a line

But even in failure Cruz crossed a line that could not be undone: he exposed the vulnerability of the reserve currency to its singular Achilles Heel: a domestic political crisis.

As a general rule, there is no limit to the quantity of fictitious debt instruments (treasuries) the US can issue so long as there is always a mass of excess capital within the world market that cannot find a place in productive employment. Thus the real limits to the debt accumulated by Washington are determined, in first place, by the mass of capital that cannot, under any circumstances find productive employment, not some arbitrary and imaginary measure like the debt to GDP ratio.

But why would global capital choose to invest in US treasuries versus, say, Brazil or Mexico bonds? And why would they accept a lower return on US bonds than on Indian or Indonesian bonds?

The reason is two-fold: first, the US dollar is essentially treated as if it were money anywhere on the planet. Since the end of the gold standard, it is the closest thing we have to a liquid universal equivalent within the world market. Global capital knows US dollars can be freely exchange for any other currency or commodity in the world, making it possible for capital to move almost friction-less from one currency or commodity form to another.

Second, the stability of the US political system is virtually unquestioned precisely because the US materially benefits directly from the dollar reserve system. Global capital knows there is next to zero financial risk the US would ever default on its obligations.

The two reasons also reinforce one another: because the US dollar plays the role of universal equivalent, within certain limits dollars can, if necessary, be printed to meet any obligation the US incurs. And because it can be printed to meet US obligations with virtually no limit, it is the most liquid universal equivalent in the world. Above all, what gives the dollar its attractiveness is that it can be depreciated like no other currency in the world without running a real risk society will lose faith in it, because, as Marx put it, the ‘inner sphere of circulation’ of the dollar is coterminous with the world market as a whole and is not simply confined to the territory of the United States.

A currency whose capacity for depreciation is the basis of its attractiveness may seem like a contradiction but when have you ever known a capitalist who turns down more money? By depreciating its currency without loss of confidence in it as means of exchange, the US is also able to inflate the prices paid for commodities — which, for capitalists, is always a good (at least  so long as inflation is kept within reasonable and proper limits) because it means capital faces no pricing pressure.

Given this fact (okay, assertion), Cruz essentially was playing with forces neither he nor his followers apparently comprehended. The shutdown not only called the stability of the US political system into question — particularly since this was the second instance of a government shutdown in two years — the vulnerability was highlighted by the fact it prevented President Obama from attending a critical international meeting. The absence of Obama from that meeting, says Clinton, further highlighted the purely domestic US political crisis and called into question US political stability.

China and Russia deftly exploited this absence. According to Clinton, China’s leadership let it be known the US was no longer fit to have exclusive control of the world reserve currency.

“[One] of the high-ranking Chinese officials who publicly commented on it, said, look, it’s time to de-Americanize the world. These people can’t run their own country, why should they be permitted to exercise a disproportionate influence on the rest of the world.”

The barb definitely stung — coming, as it did, on the heels of a massive global financial crisis spawned, in large part, by the mishandling of the reserve currency status of the dollar due to the mindless greed of American finance capital.

The importance of the reserve status of the dollar

Let me say this: saying you want to displace the dollar as world reserve currency is essentially asking for an extinction level event: there is no way the US will ever concede this point short of nuclear holocaust. I’m not being hyperbolic in this statement. The dollar is not just another currency; it is a mechanism through which the United States manages global capitalism in the interest of its own national capital — what France once called an exorbitant privilege.

An attack on the dollar’s role as world reserve currency is tantamount to a physical attack on the United States itself. Even if you are among those who know the US can and will wage a war for control of oil supplies, you probably still have no idea what Washington will do to protect the reserve currency status of a worthless piece of paper, the US dollar.

You would think Cruz knew how important the reserve status of the dollar is to Washington, since his wife worked for Goldman Sachs. Perhaps he did and was banking on the other side caving, but clearly he miscalculated. The GOP Right played a game of chicken they could not hope to win precisely because calling their bluff was as damaging for them as it would have been for Washington.

This is a lesson SYRIZA should have absorbed: to win a game of chicken like this systemic collapse cannot simply be a threat, it must be your conscious aim.

11 thoughts on “Game Theory and Clinton’s Lesson for The Left”

  1. The problem is, no party in the foreseeable future is going to be elected if they run on a platform of “systemic collapse.” Workers want someone to manage capitalism better for them. They have zero interest in collapsing it. How are we going to change that?

    I think we need to make a concerted effort to explain to them (and to ourselves, because most of the left itself currently has no clue about this either) how production for regulated direct use rather than exchange would concretely work in the present context of global scarcity (not some mythical future of global superabundance), and most importantly, how we could improve upon the way the Soviet Union tried to do it. That’s what it’s gonna take. People need to see an alternative, some solid ground, under them before they step off the escalator, no matter how broken the escalator is. Otherwise, they will just keep voting for escalator repairmen.

    Liked by 1 person

    1. Yes. My point is that you don’t make a threat that logically leads to collapse unless collapse is your aim. SYRIZA played that game, with no plans for how to address the consequences of a “worst case outcome”. That was pretty silly. Both sides knew SYRIZA was threatening the end of the EURO, but only the EU was prepared (practicality) to live with the consequences.

      SYRIZA could have lived with the consequences as well, but it never planned for them.

      Liked by 1 person

  2. Jehu,

    Thanks so much for your hard work. You are the only Marxist blogger right now who makes sense given the never ending debate surrounding the importance of Marx and the global events. The rest are just contradictory and offputting at this point (at least, the ones I’m familiar with).

    Liked by 1 person

  3. Cokane,

    Are you advocating production for direct use as

    a solution to global scarcity, i.e. a path to abundance of time while simultaneously meeting subjective needs,

    or

    a more efficient method to deal with inevitable global scarcity?

    or something else entirely.

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    1. Good questions. I suppose my answer would be: neither, per se. I imagine that both problems will happen to be addressed by switching to production for use, but the aim of production for use is not narrowly focused on addressing either of those problems directly.

      Instead, I advocate production for direct use as the only way to circumvent commodity relationships. I would argue that all of the inherent problems of capitalism stem from the fact that it is production of commodities subject to the law of value rather than production of use-values.

      I used to think that capitalism was problematic because the means of production was concentrated in the hands of the capitalist class, and all one would need to do is re-distribute the means of production to give everyone a piece, and all of the problems of capitalism would be solved. I no longer believe that.

      The problem with capitalism is deeper. It is the fact that “goods,” meaning use-values, in order for members of society to be motivated and enabled to produce those goods, must first take the form of commodities that must prove their value (not utility, but “value” in the technical sense of the law of value) in exchange before they can be used.

      Labor-power being a commodity that must be sold before it can be used, but which can go unsold is just an especially egregious case of this, but this malady affects every commodity under capitalism and provides the basis for every instance of “poverty in the midst of plenty”—potentially plentiful use-values that cannot be used or produced in the first place because they have no prospect of being exchanged in order to augment value.

      The big question naturally is: if things are going to be produced for direct use, then who gets to decide what is produced and how things are used?

      In the case of an isolated Robinson Crusoe, the answer is simple: whatever the singular producer wants and needs to produce, and however he/she wants to use his/her product.

      In groups smaller than about 150 people (the so-called “Dunbar Number” in anthropology), people are perfectly capable of sorting out the priorities for production for direct use through a “moral economy”—persuasion, cajoling, social pressure if need be to decide whose priorities are addressed and who is and is not contributing to the social production.

      Anarchists, whether they realize it or not, often default to the assumption that many interlocking “moral economies” will be doing the work of organizing production after the revolution. Little do they understand that moral economies are not necessarily equal or fun to live under. Social surveillance and paranoia are no more fun to be disciplined by than the logic of the law of value.

      Beyond about 150 people, organizing production for direct use gets tricky. History has given us plenty of examples of city-states, manors, and small empires being run on production for direct use, where the ruler or priestly class decides for everyone what is to be produced and what everyone must contribute (think of medieval manors, or the palace economies of the Ancient Sumerian city-states. No law of value needed). It “works,” which is why the Soviet Union more and more resembled such an empire (insofar as it went beyond the law of value in a limited way at all, which I’m unsure about), But I don’t think most people are interested in replicating that model. So, we need to figure out something better.

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      1. “The problem with capitalism is deeper. It is the fact that “goods,” meaning use-values, in order for members of society to be motivated and enabled to produce those goods, must first take the form of commodities that must prove their value (not utility, but “value” in the technical sense of the law of value) in exchange before they can be used. ”

        Did you mean they must prove their “use-value” ? A good produced already has a value, the socially necessary labor time embodied in it, in and of itself once it has been produced. However, to sell it on the market it must have a use value. Just because a food item goes bad or a piece of cloth is no more wanted, doesn’t make it lose its inherent value, which according to the labor theory of value is embodied in it.

        “The big question naturally is: if things are going to be produced for direct use, then who gets to decide what is produced and how things are used?”

        This is why in the first phases of socialism you have distribution and organized planning. Communism is the phase of abundance and super productivity. Just like in your family you do not have televised debates over who takes out the trash and who does the dishes, communities within the big communist socio-economic model won’t need a despotic centralized planning authority to distribute goods. However, to deny the fact that there will be hierarchical structures, based not on economic exploitation but social and governing requirements, is idealistic and implies that ANY hierarchical order is somehow evil.

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      2. @anonymous: That might happen from time to time, but the situation is often exactly the opposite. Oftentimes, the usefulness of items is obvious to people, but the money necessary to purchase the items does not exist. And it is not enough for labor to have been expended upon the production of an item for it to have value. That labor must prove itself to have been “socially necessary.” And how does it do that? It must do that by exchanging for a certain amount of exchange value. If, for example, a certain process for making computers spends 100 labor hours per computer, but by the time those computers are to be sold the state-of-the-art production processes can make those same computers for 50 labor hours, then there is not really 100 socially-necessary labor hours of value in those computers, but instead 50 socially-necessary labor hours. The capitalist will discover this, to his/her dismay, when attempting to realize the value of the computers by exchanging them for their exchange value and finding that they are only worth in terms of exchange-value half of what had been anticipated. (Of course, in terms of use-value, they are just as useful as ever).

        This problem can happen simultaneously with every commodity on the market (aside from the money commodity), leading to a “generalized overproduction of commodities” (with respect to an under-production of the money-commodity). Hence, useful items will not be able to reach those who want to use them because they (whether they are consumers looking for consumption goods or capitalists looking to purchase luxury goods or means of production) do not collectively possess the money necessary to buy those commodities at existing prices. The prices must fall and register a loss for their producers, or the currency must be depreciated in order to hide this loss with paper profits calculated on the basis of depreciated currency.

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  4. The problem confronted is that even if you abolished exchange value as the measure of value, commodities for use are not equally dispersed across the world. The market currently provides the rationing mechanism but without it there would still be the desire of people in one area to gain advantage over another by claiming their commodity that they produce is more valuable (whether that is measured in exchange terms or simple utility/use terms) than that they exchange it for. Even if there was no element of malice or greed, commodity producers could quite realistically say that one barrel of oil is not the equivalent of one tonne of wheat. How would you resolve disputes at a supranational level without some dictatorial process?

    Now couple that with the fact that the costs of production for raw materials are structurally rising as all the cheap and available raw materials have already been used up then the amount of use values has to increase. More commodities need to be deployed in order to get the same or less end product than what would be gotten previously eg the marginal cost of oil is now over $90.

    So sure, abolish capitalism and you abolish the need to divert the surplus to the owners of capital but even if the capital itself was socialised part of the surplus needs to be diverted simply to offset depreciation. If its socially owned what would stop the consumers of use value from consuming everything themselves and not reinvesting in the maintenance of the machines especially if they are spatially removed from the point of production. As for example occurred during the Stalin era where the government expropriated all the surplus and more from the peasants to buy industrial capital and feed the industrial workforce while letting the peasants starve.

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    1. “As for example occurred during the Stalin era where the government expropriated all the surplus and more from the peasants to buy industrial capital and feed the industrial workforce while letting the peasants starve.”

      I’ve never understood why it’s ok to make these completely unsubstantiated and ridiculous claims about a serious topic like this one . I guess when it comes to bashing Stalin anything goes and gets accepted as “facts”.

      Like

    2. Exactly, AJM! I agree that you do need some sort of accounting for the costs of items, or else you can really calculate which groups of producers are pulling their weight and who are not, who has the more efficient production process and should get first dibs on raw material inputs, etc.

      That’s why on my website I propose a decentralized system of accounting for the costs of items by their “modified labor hours,” which is how much labor went into them, modified by several terms such as the subjective unpleasantness of the work according to some self-rated scale done by the workers themselves, along with a capacity utilization term and some other tweaks to make goods in short supply appear less costly and vice-versa.

      Note that, under my system, there is no central planner in charge of deciding how hard everyone’s work is (although I do assume the existence of some sort of central data agency, or maybe multiple alternative data agencies, to keep inventory data to calculate capacity utilization), but at the same time I carefully made sure that the things that workers self-rated themselves on would not create an incentive to lie (so, for example, rating the unpleasantness of your own work does not increase the perceived “worth” of the item because society is instructed to grade the worth of items entirely in subjective use-value terms, as it ought to be. Instead, it is the cost of the item that is determined by the unpleasantness of the work. So there is no advantage or disadvantage to declaring your work more or less unpleasant. It simply makes your product more or less apparently costly to society, and thus makes society more or less likely to use your product over alternatives. And if your work really is unpleasant, then it is not a bad thing that society finds that your item is costlier and uses less of it because that means you can quit that line of work and do something else instead that is judged less unpleasant and less costly to produce. Either way, you get your use-value rations, which might be slightly biased in favor of workers who themselves depend on the support of fewer modified labor hours from society while helping to provide use-values that society judges to be worth those costs).

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